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  • Pulling up the drawbridges, or extending a hand

    Following my previous, football-inspired post on team and tribe, I plucked up the courage to read a distantly related Guardian article entitled Now comes the ‘womanosphere’: the anti-feminist media telling women to be thin, fertile and Republican which sent me back to my own very conservative, Catholic (pretty tribal!) upbringing, with all the pre-marital sexual guardrails and constraints that came along with that. There, too, the default expectation was that mothers would be housewives, to manage the large family* and support the breadwinner. That sense was bolstered by a feeling of us being an embattled, absolutely correct minority, cast unwillingly but cohesively into the wild and sinful wider world. That feeling accompanied me through university and my earliest working days, to thankfully be sloughed off over decades of ‘normal’ life, helped I think by a slow-to-awaken core of suspicion that “all of” right wasn’t necessarily on our side, that helped loosen that armour from the inside.

    Yet another related Guardian article cropped up on the American (where elsican?) natalist movement What is America’s pro-natalism movement really about? m highlighting a (for now) relatively small, embattled, inherently correct minority turning inwards to battle and protect itself against a wrong-headed wider world.

    Then, finally, there was another article, entitled Please, yell at my kids! Five lessons I’ve learned about good parenting from around the world (I have to say, though: ‘five or ten things’ are the worst articles, but still…) about ways of raising families around the world, with the common, positive thread being that of community. The author also points out that

    parenting is hard everywhere, but nowhere is it as lonely as it is in the US

    The message for me from all of these links has to be that of plurality as a good. Communities can be too closed and insular, becoming cells focussed on their own people and messages: with the availability of self-reinforcing but unreflective, non-selfcritical media (print media does the job well enough, too), these cells can grow to become a danger to society - from thread to theat, as it were. Communities can also potentially become too loose and incoherent to retain that identity.

    If we can gain a plural sense of community, that is, openness to the idea of interwoven groups and communities, then we have a stronger society. For societies are interwoven, interlocking communities. If too many communities cut the threads and build walls rather than bridges, convince themselves that everybody else is the enemy, then societies suffer. Communities need to be challenged with the fundamental questions: who is this good for, and where do our goods come from?

    And society needs to monitor and promote the health of its communities. We don’t need to convert everybody from Catholicism; housewives make a valuable (if undervalued) contribution to society; football fans bring cohesion and dynamism to a town; positive birth rates can be a sign of healthy communities. “Just” keep everybody respectful, and things will be better for all.

    No doubt that’s a rich Western point of view - but even here, in strong Europe, we need that reinforcement. But before things become too earnest…

    *: an early draft had me writing

    … housewives being there to cook and manage the family

    which, thanks to English grammar, came across as rather gruesomely funny when I mentally parsed it in that way…)

    → 9:41 PM, Apr 27
  • Football, partisanship, populism and me

    I was surprised at how Jonathan Liew’s article in the Guardian Pundits’ showy partisanship reflects football’s embrace of fan-centric populism resonated with me and caused the notion of an “anti-identity” to bubble up in my mind, reinforced by the thought, kindly provided by Brexit Prime Minister Theresa May, of me as a “citizen of footballing nowhere.”

    Throughout my football-formative years, as we moved house and as I later continued my own arc around the UK and abroad, I have supported home teams in Liverpool, Manchester, Ipswich, Bologna, Shrewsbury and Mainz. Through friendships and admiration of certain teams, I have also supported Sampdoria (Vialli, Platt), Bayer Leverkusen (Ballack, Babic, Berbatov), Tottenham (Hoddle, Waddle, Mabbutt) and Arsenal (Overmars, Petit, Henry…). Now, with a German wife and family, I can’t feel too bad if they play well and win (though it’s agonising watching England play badly and lose, especially to Germany). I’ve been astounded and confounded at matches, in pubs or at home, so - I think it’s important to emphasise this - I don’t consider myself to be emotionally stunted when it comes to football.

    Yet I find myself asking now: what does it mean to support a team? Is an appreciation of who they are at the time and of their vicissitudes sufficient? Am I OK to reset so quickly after fleeting elation or disappointment, and appreciate their struggles after going down, or do I have to feel things more viscerally, for longer?

    Liew’s article also highlighted my innate reluctance – quiet, usually unaware – to despise opponents (provided they’re not simply being despicable) in any field: sport, religion, politics, work. This can put me at odds with the heartfelt supporters, those who have maybe never known anything else, who are all-in, who would consider themselves the ‘true’ supporters. It makes me wonder: is my perspective shallower, somehow weaker, more diluted than theirs? And does it reflect the problem in the populist slide, that full-throated, roaring fanaticism trumps broad appreciation?

    Football is often used as an analogy or metaphor for much else in life - team and tifo, as it were: If society can find the balance between passion and respect, my team, my tribe distinctly with all the others, not against, then I think we’d all be better off.

    → 5:34 PM, Apr 27
  • From kernels of truth to power games for the FaNatiCS

    FaNatiCS could be an acronym for Fascist Nationalist Conservative Sovereigntists, that power-hungry breed of sociopaths and their cronies that have gained power in the US using newish but also very old methods, steeped in uncaring. Simon Tisdall in his article in the Guardian on the greedy power grab by Trumb and co links to an article on the Boston Rare Maps site about the Technocracy Inc movement formed in the 1930s and still apparently going today. That article links to a Substack post by Manolo Quezon summarising the “intellectual” links between then and now as Everything Old is New Again.

    The trouble with these is always the same: the mismatch between the visions of power and might, and anything considering basic human lives. It’s easy enough for these miserable people to make us miserable too: our challenge is not to let them. Stay nice, stay considerate and friendly - and lend your voice to those who give voice to the calm majority, when you can.

    → 1:22 PM, Mar 23
  • Bikes and brains

    Alas, there are idiots out there who have “fun” dangerously manipulating parked bikes at school. My daughter had already had her front quick release axle loosened last year (we replaced it with a fixed one), and just on Friday the brake cables had been slipped out of their housings:

    Auto-generated description: A close-up of a bicycle handlebar showing the gear shifter and a brake cable that had been slipped out of its housing.

    The way some peoples' brains work, how they are hooked up to pursue “tee-hee-giggle” nastiness is quite sad. Maybe they get a thrill, maybe they feel some kind of peer pressure towards and acceptance from the deed, but they really don’t think things through for the risks they are generating for other individuals and - by extension, in the worst case - their families.

    There’s something of that in the Trump movement - some just don’t care any more and get that “tee-hee” thrill when it goes worse for others.

    Societal norms are important, as are support structures for all, including those - hopefully just temporarily - teenagers seeking dumb-ass thrills.

    → 12:03 PM, Jan 26
  • Trashing the 20th Century

    Tony Judt talking to Timothy Snyder in Thinking the Twentieth Century

    This, in my view, is the intellectual sin of the [20th] century: passing judgement on the fate of others in the name of their future as you see it, a future in which you may have no investment, but concerning which you claim exclusive and perfect information.

    → 11:44 PM, Nov 9
  • Tuning out the noise

    Last night I wanted to enjoy an evening G&T with my wife. She’d been back for a day already after visiting friends, so we had caught up personally, but she wanted to catch up on the news (flooding in Valencia, the execution of a German-Iranian in Iran, the upcoming US elections) and so she switched on the TV. I watched, for a little while, too. But as soon as they started reporting on stupid Republicans spreading doubt about the legitimacy of the vote and the security of the polling stations, and they showed a clip of their stupid candidate raging about something, I couldn’t take any more. Feeling viscerally disgusted, I left the room and went upstairs to finish reading the final chapter of Hillary Mantel’s The Mirror and the Light.

    Those of Henry VIII were dark days, for most people: of an omnipotent yet inconsistent absolute ruler and his councillors, most from ancient ruling families who couldn’t countenance any move towards a less feudal system. Of the jostling between the great powers in Europe (France, the Pope) with no consideration or care for individual lives.

    This is my visceral fear for today, of thuggish, childish, nihilistic autocrats returning to the fore: something dark that I - thankfully, but also tellingly - don’t encounter in my daily life and so don’t feel I can counter: I try to tune out that noise from the media, tune out those concentrated slugs of negativity bias, and be nice and courteous to the people I meet.

    → 1:10 PM, Nov 1
  • Post | Brexit

    Every Christmas, Easter and family birthday, as I list out the contents of a parcel on what feels like an excessively conspicuous “non-EU deliveries” sticker, then pay the suddenly exorbitant postage and customs fees to the UK; every time that, right at the end of the ordering process, a British website discovers that I’m based in Europe, or a European online store learns to its horror that I want to ship to the UK - indeed, every time I want to ship nice things, only to discover that they won’t, and now that the formerly anticipatory, family-related traipse to the post office has become a trudge to bureaucracy, I silently curse Brexit.

    These are, in the grand scheme of things, little niggles, already well known to anyone who has ever wanted to ship to countries like the USA or Japan. But they always remind me that the UK - barely but clearly (though for some vague notion of “Brexit means Brexit”) - voted and then acted to make things worse than they had been until just very recently.

    What good did it do?

    For what and for whose benefit? From my perspective here in Germany, I still haven’t discerned anything concrete: nothing that has made Europeans look jealously across at their neighbours, the land of my birth, and want to change course in that direction.

    Assuredly, there are people feeling good about Brexit back home, and like-minded tribalists around Europe who share the dream: a vague but powerful sense of “freedom”, a baseline intuition that the UK is not “beholden” to the admittedly confusing construct of European political entities, that the UK has been released from some dread dream of federalism or a “United States of Europe”, however far in the future, however long past their own lifetime. A UK unbound from European lethargy and tortuous consensus-building, able to spring free and react swiftly, or plan for a greater, divergent future: that sounds pretty good, I suppose.

    Equally, though, the UK still needs to trade with the EU, and that trade has taken a significant and - in my view - unneccessary hit. It’s still a source of frustration to me that the likes of the wretched “European Research Group” managed to characterise the EU as simultaneously a homogeneous mass of “them”, and as an overly complicated, bureaucratic mishmash of cultures. The Brexit discourse, such as it was, cleverly split the double-sided nature of political diversity in Europe, ranging as it does from Costa in Portual and Scholz in Germany, to the likes of Orbán, Meloni, Fico in Slovakia and Wilders in the Netherlands; how that diversity makes consensus so difficult, on the one hand, yet also demonstrates the EU’s startling heterogeneity: quite clearly the opposite of the unified, “one size fits all” / lowest common denominator monolith (aka “enemy”) that all populists need.

    It’s still unclear to me which, if any at all, of Britain’s latest or forthcoming legislations would not have been possible as a member of the EU…

    Do we need Orbán to show that Brexit was unnecessary?

    That Europe can still countenance an increasingly thin-skinned authoritarian in Orbán, who seems to idolise the others of his ilk (the usual suspects along the lines of Putin, Erdogan, Trump and Xi), is not a good sign, but it does at least seem to confirm that Brexit wasn’t required for the UK to be able hold extreme views, to argue for a severe limitation of immigration, for a country to be held hostage to simplistic, nationalistic, illiberal populist authoritarian ideologies.

    Ideologies always tend towards a message of “greatness”, skipping the concept of “goodness”. Greatness requires winning, beating someone else to some goal, and - as mentioned above - having antagonists in the story. Goodness requires a careful balance of ethics, and is often extremely complicated.

    Sovereign projects

    The question of sovereignty in a highly networked, multi-nodal world is a genuine one. People want their votes to count in determining the course of their own country, without the idea of layers over them constraining their actions. The addition of supranational unions and associations, along with the increasing power of non-state actors in the digital realms (OpenAI, Google, et al), makes it understandable that many will want to withdraw from such a complex life, seek solace and clarity in a “tribe”, and perhaps even dream of just having a “strongdoofus” to solve all their problems.

    But did leaving the EU truly provide a remedy to that complexity? I don’t see that it did.

    Perhaps Brexit can be viewed as a grand project, without which politics can enter a period of “drift”; except, a project usually has a goal, and it seems that Brexit was the goal, with nothing else beyond.

    There’s a similar case to be made for the EU right now: does it have an overarching project beyond its own creation, defence and maintenance? It would seem so: being a liberal democratic regional power to match the USA and China (along with all the many thousands of sub-projects that spin off from that).

    Posting

    With Brexit off the political menu in the UK for the foreseeable future, my hope is of the return of a general political will to rejoin the EU customs union, then to start engaging more constructively with other countries on the EU’s periphery; a return to a freedom of movement not just of people, but of the nice things that we have in Europe that I would love to share with my family back home, and for them to share nice British things once more with us…


    Ah, Marmite…

    A Happy New Year

    Despite letting my niggles at the post office take me to excessive amateur politics, and despite the other tragic things going on in the world demonstrating humanity’s capacity for allowing bigotry and hopelessness result in violence and death rather than action to reverse them, I do want to wish everybody a Happy New Year, may your networks and connections grow broader and stronger, and your deliveries on time!


    → 7:00 PM, Jan 1
  • Waves of heat

    Heat

    There's been a heatwave and very little rain these last couple of weeks. The press that I read has been very focussed on the pernicious and systematic nature of these heatwaves, clearly linked to climate change driven by human emissions, mostly of carbon.

    The Economist had two articles about it: Today's heatwaves are a warning of worse to come, and The increase in simultaneous heatwaves which clearly set out the current set of problems and challenges ahead.

    The Guardian, naturally, also contains warnings about the situation, including a typical piece from the inimitable George Monbiot: This heatwave has eviscerated the idea that small changes can tackle extreme weather; and an Opinion piece on the public perception of what needs to be done, and the almost impossibly political predicament we're in: The Guardian view on public attitudes to the climate crisis: burning for change

    It's all just politics?

    Deciding to do things for the environment, and how fast, is a political matter, possibly the biggest of our time. How to ensure that humanity continues to develop whilst permitting nature to recover, without massive and sudden sacrifices or a return to excessive hardship is hard. Connecting this thought to the boneheaded, insular, selfish and populist-nationalistic messages streaming and steaming from the minds, mouths and military of such leading lights as Putin, Erdogan and their authoritarian ilk, and from the ever more similar sounding, coal-fired Republican Party in the US (or the coal-powered Democrat Manchin), leaves me feeling rather down on our direction as humanity, as does the self-destructive infighting with right-leaning nationalists in Italy leading to this comment from (where else?) the Economist about:

    ...their ambition, narrow self-interest and failure to understand, or perhaps care, that events in their troubled country have unfortunate implications far beyond its borders

    Fortunately, there are teams and institutions working on solutions - some piffling and perhaps wrong-headed (Heliogen?), many promising (the whole stream of Long-Duration Energy Storage, LDES, investigations, well summarised, again, by the Economist in their article Decarbonisation of electric grids reliant on renewables requires long-duration energy storage

    There are institutions and companies, ranging from traditional behemoths like BASF (itself a huge customer of Russian gas) to clever startups who will likely not make it, even if their ideas will, eventually. This gives me hope.

    What can I do about it?

    As a long-term employee / inmate in the automotive industry, I've made my contribution to mobility and its environmental downsides. With the part of the company that I work for settling in as a low-cost commodity with a long but time-limited future, I have the ever-stronger feeling that it's time to move on to more climate positive initiatives.

    Whether this involves joining the hydrogen economy in some capacity (attractive, but ambiguously beneficial), or batteries, or insulation, or positive recycling, I don't know. It's all contingent on me finding something that involves as little commuting as possible - so, either close to where I live now, or somewhere where the family would gladly want to move, having never moved out of the city we live in now. Maybe my experience and energies would be better spent in adjacent, perhaps "agnostic", but enabling industries, such as coatings or fittings, where better and cheaper products enable better and cheaper climate solutions...

    I won't and can't post my thoughts and investigations into alternative employment here - no radical openness here, I'm afraid / to your relief - but this is a subtle little starting point for what might come later.

    Might... But after my holiday break from it all! (driving, but not flying anywhere) 

    → 9:48 PM, Aug 12
  • Brexit and populism

    From View from the EU: Britain ‘taken over by gamblers, liars, clowns and their cheerleaders’, a view from Helene von Bismarck:


    “Populists depend on enemies, real or imagined, to legitimise their actions and deflect from their own shortcomings,” she said. If the EU has been the “enemy abroad” since 2016, it will steadily be replaced by “enemies within”: MPs, civil servants, judges, lawyers, experts, the BBC.

    Oversimplification, lack of nuance are greedily seen as ways of cutting the Gordian knot of complex debate and “getting things done”. There are times and places for such methods, but not permanently in running a country. 


    Also, from John Crace in the same paper (On Boris’s big day, Tories kid themselves this is the deal they always wanted)


    “He had united his party – if only temporarily – over Europe. So it was job done for Boris, as Brexit had mainly only been about divisions within his own party. “

    → 2:53 PM, Dec 31
  • The Brexit trade deal vote and Labour's seemingly intractable position

    Labour had a seemingly impossible decision to make regarding the Brexit trade deal vote in the House of Commons on Wednesday 30th December.

    Labour leader Keir Starmer is quoted as saying:

    “The choice before the house today is perfectly simple. Do we implement the treaty that has been agreed with the EU, or do we not? If we choose not to, the outcome is clear: we leave the transition period without a deal. Without a deal on security, on trade, on fisheries. Without protection for our manufacturing sector, for farming, for countless businesses. And without a foothold to build a future relationship with the EU.”

    To me, the words "perfectly simple" are rather disingenuous. Starmer tried to portray the judgement as a binary choice, whereby all other considerations are neglected. That can be seen as clear leadership; it can also be a sign of a leader uncomfortable with conflict. 

    Fortunately, there was some public debate on the day:

    [Stella] Creasy said in a statement on her website: “Whatever Labour does, the Conservatives will cry foul, suggesting any attempt to scrutinise the deal after it is passed reveals a true intention to fight Brexit. The road ahead will be rocky for all concerned. To abstain is not to refuse to be part of that fight but to refuse to do so on the prime minister’s terms.”

    Also, it seemed clear that, whatever Labour did, the bill would pass, as the Conservatives had a significant majority.

    Kevin Brennan:

    “While I understand the desire to move on I simply don’t understand why it’s necessary for those who believe this is a bad deal to vote for it, and dip their fingertips in this abject failure of national ambition,”

    On the lack of parliamentary scrutiny, Clive Lewis put it thus:

    “false framing, used to hold this house to ransom”

    I presume Labour went through lots of war-gaming of the scenarios, but it doesn't quite seem that way. Their public website doesn't mention the Bill at all, and seems stuck in the 2019 election past:

    Within three months of coming to power, a Labour government will secure a sensible deal. And within six months, we will put that deal to a public vote alongside the option to remain.

    As with my previously denoted rolling of eyes at the lack of apparent decision analysis leading to the political contortions and distortions surrounding Brexit, I fail to recognise any systematic analysis of the situation. Again, I offer a fifteen-minute Decision FMEA structure as a very sketchy outline, which seems better than what we see in the news:



    As we can see, nearly everything under Labour's control is about the messaging and the internal collaboration and consensus-building prior to the vote - it just doesn't seem as if this was done. The ramifications of voting against, or permitting a free vote (or abstention) seem pretty minimal, given the majority that the Conservatives have at this time.
    → 1:51 PM, Dec 31
  • The Brexit FMEA


    The Brexit pre-mortem: BFMEA


    Of all the engineering tools that I have encountered, the one that spans the widest spectrum of respect and scorn, hope and despair is the FMEA, the Failure Mode and Effects Analysis.


    Developed by the US military and NASA and gradually adopted by the automotive industry from the 1970s onwards, it is intended to highlight things that could go wrong before they do; it's also a way of collecting and tracking the evidence (models, test reports, etc) that shows that the nuts and bolts have been proven before putting them on a rocket - or, indeed, jettisoning a country out of the European Union.


    At its heart, the FMEA is a "what if?" analysis. Other methods are available, like the Potential Problem Analysis from Kepner-Tregoe. But I'm automotive, and the FMEA is a requirement in our field, so I've sketched up how a BFMEA (Brexit Failure Mode and Effects Analysis) might have been constructed and eventually look like. Why? Because I simply don't get the impression that the British government perceived the need for any such thinking before diving in to the apparently urgent political necessity that was the Brexit referendum result. And also, because sketching one up isn't all that hard - with practice.

    Building the structure


    First of all, you need to define what your product or system is, perhaps by following what was defined in the project scope (ABQP). The FMEA might be for a full system, or it might be for an individual component that fits into that system: For our purposes now, it's Brexit. Brexit has a few functions and requirements that I cobbled together in five minutes (naturally with no little help from hindsight):

    What could possibly go wrong (failures)?


    With an FMEA, you focus on failures first and foremost (it can be a depressing trudge, initially, which is why engineers are always so miserable. Are we? We must be). Put yourself in Law-maker Murphy's shoes, maybe even his socks and underwear, too. The fresh ones.






    Then "all" you need to do is to go through each of your functions, wishes, desires, needs, etc: and define all the ways they can fail (one more example here):


    How could it come to this (causes)?


    If failures are the symptoms, then causes are the bugs that deserve our attention. 

    Again, with every failure having its very own potential cause, or causes, we need to repeat the trudge around the houses. I've kept it relatively simple here:

    Somebody will have to do something about this (actions)!


    The whole point of the FMEA is to discover potential failures and to cut them off at the source: we don't want those bugs getting in that resulted in us hollering into the toilet bowl. So the positive aspect of the FMEA is assigning to-dos to each cause, like "make sure you wash your hands before eating", with the intention of preventing those causes from occurring in the first place (absent a time machine):


    So much to do! Where to start (Effects)?


    There's one letter we haven't touched in the FMEA yet: the E. Effects. Determining what happens as a result of the failures can be useful in figuring out what actions should be prioritised. You might for example preferentially allocate work on avoiding failures that would otherwise result in conflict on the Irish border over events that would lead to slightly less curved cucumbers still landing on British shores.


    But understanding where to prioritise political effects (disgruntlement amongst 48% of voters, for example) is beyond my realm of experience, and represents a clear disconnect between the "plodding reality" of engineering and the human rationality (in all its technical irrationality) that defines politics. Some things might not be "prioritisable" at all. At least until someone works out an official Happiness scale that would be able to balance lots of low-level general contentment (hey, being in the EU isn't actually all that bad most of the time) against intense doses of uproar (they're defining cucumbers again!). Do I digress? I believe I do.

    Presenting the BFMEA


    Typically, FMEAs aren't presented in the network style that I employed to build mine: the traditional method is the worksheet, which typically leads teams to try and build them in Excel or similar. This is what mine would look like in that format.



    It's OK, but a bit sterile. Which is I suppose how it should be. Right? "Real" FMEAs have ratings numbers that help in the prioritisation of tasks, which I have omitted here.

    Build and forget?


    The FMEA is intended to be a so-called "living document". As new events occur and lessons are (ha!) learned; as new and fantastical failure modes with subtle, complex, causes are discovered, the FMEA grows: often becoming unmanageable, or at least rather unwelcoming in the process. Unless someone or some team is really "living" complex FMEAs as a role, they will bulk up, dry out and fossilise.


    In one sense, that's not necessarily a bad thing: if at least in the act of setting it up important considerations were made in that emotionless setting, potentially resulting in actions being taken that avoided some grand faux pas or other, then it will have been useful without too much investment in resources.

    Do they? Can they?


    It would be fascinating to find out what methods the British Government has at its disposal (and which were used thus far): because, to all appearances, they weren't.


    Perhaps they're saving them for the debates surrounding the re-entry into Europe, then.

    BFMEA network and other points


    Here's the network FMEA that I built up over the weekend. To those engineers reading this who are experienced in FMEA methods: I acknowledge the existence of Occurrence and Detection items. I didn't bother with ratings, as FMEAs can really get bogged down with them - but some sort of prioritisation is required, of course. To those outside of my industry: have you encountered similar "constricted thinking" methods? It would be fascinating to hear from you!



    → 8:28 PM, Mar 20
  • ABQP: Brexit as an automotive project


    ABQP: Advanced Brexit Quality Planning


    It is surely doing the British Civil Service an injustice to suggest that there was no planning process for Brexit. However, what we see in the media strongly suggests that whatever planning did take place was swiftly overcome by politics: the votes upon votes in Parliament, the pontificating and hardening of views, the dreams shattered and still dearly held. We hear of Papers stating one potential outcome or another, but the feeling remains of a Brexit ship veering ponderously from port to port, turning away from each in disgust without ever reaching one.


    I'm an automotive engineer, and could imagine Brexit being an automotive project; there would (in my imaginings, anyway) have been a clear baseline for planning, thinking, moulding, approving or even cancelling the project before it's too late.


    Comparing Brexit with a VW Polo facelift? Ridiculous! Well, yes, but I feel there are some lessons in the processes that we use in industry that might have been better learned before embarking on this huge undertaking. (Otherwise I won't have writting this, I suppose).


    Naturally, the advantage that the auto industry has over the Brexit project is that it can produce many models and, with experience, assuming the company survives (which many didn't ), see what sticks. Brexit is a one-shot action that will take decades to mould after the event. But, anyway, here are my thoughts on the Brexit Project from an automotive perspective:

    APQP: Advanced Project Quality Planning


    Every automotive company has its own flavour of APQP, but the basics are defined and even - of course - available on Wikipedia. Some key aspects that I would highlight here would be:

    • Planning and Defining the Program
    • Product Design and Validation
    • Understanding the needs of the customer
    • Analysing (/predicting) and mitigating failure

    It's a plodding, check-box laden process and certainly not in the vogueish agile development process domain - but therein lies its strength as well as tedious weakness: it enforces slow, measured and team-based thinking, rather than snap decision-making.


    Irrespective of whether I think Brexit is a good idea or not, the process appears to have been entrained without even a basic level of planning. Was there any sensible product definition of Brexit before kicking off Article 50 and the two-year negotiation period? (Leave Means Leave is not a helpful definition, at least in my book).

    Advanced Brexit Quality Planning: A light-gloom-hearted ABQP Statement Of Work


    Project Name


    The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to exit the EU.

    Project Scope


    The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland intends to leave the EU. No other countries will leave the EU. All components of the UK shall leave the EU, including Gibraltar and the Channel Islands. The UK intends not to bow to EU regulations. This normally means not having the same level of access to the European market as available at present. The UK intends to keep the same level of access to the European market. Leaving the EU means developing new alignments with... well, every country in the world, as well as with the EU.

    Project Type


    APQP: Advanced Product Quality Planning with 5 Phases.

    1. Plan and Define Program
    2. Product Design and Development Verification
    3. Process Design and Development Verification
    4. Product and Process Validation and Production Feedback
    5. Launch, Assessment & Corrective Action

    Phase 1: Plan and Define Program


    1.1 Identify the needs of the customer


    1.1.1 Identify the customer


    The customer is all citizens of the UK (including those younger than 25 at the time of voting who, though disproportionately affected, voted at a significantly lower rate their older, perhaps more caring compatriots). Citizens of other EU countries in the UK will... have to lump it. British citizens resident in the EU will... have to lump whatever treatment they are given wherever they are living (they deserve it, the traitors) until such time as they return to the fold.

    1.1.2 The needs of said customer


    Right. Those needs. Yes. It is absolutely clear that all inhabitants of the UK want the best possible deal. In fact, they want more than the best possible deal, they want the best of everything, which is what was promised.


    Also: no more immigrants and no more being told how to run a country by a democratically-challenged council of flouncing Eurocrats.


    And: no European Superstate.

    1.2 Develop timing plan


    Target date: Open-end until Article 50 is invoked, so plenty of time to develop a statement of work, specifications and requirements, a strategy and tactics to achieve an acceptable level of that target.

    Article 50 has been invoked


    Wha...?

    Deadline is now May 2019.


    You're kidding... Umm, on what grounds was Article 50 invoked?

    None that anyone can discern; negotiations will be the easiest ever anyway. There was something about the EU not showing its hand until Article 50 had been invoked: unhelpful gamesmanship, a trap that the British Government, gleefully bellowing "freedom from!" fell into


    1.3 Develop Budget


    The EU will be on their knees in a few months. So no real budget is required, no contingency planning, just a few negotiators and the rest is a win for us!

    1.4 Assemble Team


    See 1.3 above, OK, plus their advisors. No need to listen to the people any more, they've had their vote. And we don't need experts any more, either. We'll ignore the Civil Service, too.

    Phase 2: Product Design and Development Verification


    2.1 Develop Product requirements


    The Brexit product requirement is... Leave! OK, more seriously, there might be some relevant functions of Brexit that we might want to consider:

    • Restore / Increase British national autonomy
    • Restore / Increase national togetherness
    • Significantly reduce immigration
    • Increase internal investment (e.g. NHS)
    • Retain and protect UK integrity (e.g. Northern Ireland)
    • Protect inter-Irish peace
    • Avoid becoming part of the EU Superstate

    Are these measurable? Most are. The intangibles (national togetherness) will need more definition as the programme progresses. Can they be modelled? What sort of Brexit would result in maximising the wins across the maximum number of functions?

    Predicting and mitigating failures (BFMEA)


    The FMEA (Failure Mode and Effects Analysis ) is a key engineering tool, initially developed by NASA with the intention of foreclosing failures before they occur.


    NASA was also a specialist in one-shot efforts.


    ... but that we'll save that for my next post.

    Phase 2 (Continued)


    Oh never mind: Phase 2,3,4 Finished!


    LAUNCH

    → 9:44 PM, Mar 17
  • The unvalidated state

    The unvalidated state

    Well, that all went somewhat awry, didn’t it?

    I must confess that I was prepared neither for the result of the referendum on Thursday 23rd June nor for its impact on my state of mind. I spent most of Friday, 24th June 2016, in a strangely blank pall of frustration, disbelief, even - briefly - anger, plus an element of intrigue at what the future will bring. Such a complex bubbling brew of emotions will take some time to subside as this weekend peters out into another week, the first of a long, long series of weeks, months and years bringing ructions and repercussions in my homeland along with administrative hurdles and considerations of nationality for me personally.

    Questioning our sanity

    Did 52% of Britons really, actively, vote to exit the EU? It doesn’t seem that way: the EU was never really the point during the less than savoury referendum campaign. Those who voted for Leave were sold a dream of “reclaiming our sovereignty” without being told why the EU was bad for them personally, nor what would be improved for them personally once Britain left the EU. Did 48% really vote for the EU, or were they simply hoping for the relatively quiet life of being able to travel, work, study, buy and sell within what has become a large and appealingly non-homogeneous patchwork of countries whilst tacitly accepting the bewilderingly opaque bureaucratic apparatus that enables it?

    Was the referendum correctly set up in the first place? Was 50% the correct limit for such a momentous decision, or should it have been 2/3rds? Should oldies - pensioners - have been allowed to vote at all? Can’t the Queen step in and say: “you bally idiots, it’s our (Queen’s perogative) country and we shall stay in the EU, if only so that one won’t have to produce one’s passport when travelling to one’s castle in Balmoral.”?

    Whatever the answers to these questions, we are now left in the precarious position of Britain being a product sold yet never tested or proven out. We don’t even know if it will remain intact over the coming years: in engineering terms, it’s a state that was never validated before it was introduced to the customer.

    Trial by error

    The Leave campaign was based on disassociated presumptions that were packed into sentences in such a way as to sound like a way for the disaffected English middle to break free of - something - and to arrive at a much better - something else. Unfortunately, the Remain campaign was equally pathetic, having realised fairly early on (presumably in the split second after David Cameron announced the referendum), that the EU is impossible to be passionate about these days.

    Neither side made any attempt made to list out the various implications of each necessary step towards leaving the EU, and could therefore make no list of mitigating measures to prevent the worst of those repercussions hitting the UK as hard as it might.

    The UK’s relationship with Europe and the rest of the world will have to be hammered out in real-time as uncertainties - and some avoidable certainties - cause unpleasant and unforeseen things to happen.

    The future UK will only become what it will be once everything that might happen to it has happened to it. And not much of that will have been properly thought through before the 23rd of June - it certainly won’t adhere to the peddaled flickers of a dream of a greater, better, Britain.

    What now? A question to self

    There still seems to be a residual hope that the increasingly well-known Article 50 (the procedure for leaving the EU) won’t be triggered: but there’s no great point in holding out for that, especially as I wouldn’t have to act if that turns out to be the case.

    If Britain really does start to extricate itself from the EU, I’ll presumably have to start acting - so I should start planning soon or risk falling into the same “dreamland trap” as the politicians. It will most likely involve looking to apply for a European (Irish or German) passport and finding out how my status in Germany will change over time.

    But that’s all for the future. For now I need to strip out as much of the first three feelings that I mentioned at the top of this post - frustration, disbelief, anger - and settle to a state of vaguely positive curiosity as to how things will turn out.

    This will mean reading as little as possible about the politicians (the Boris Johnsons, Michael Goves, Iain Duncan-Smiths and F*****s of this world), forgetting as much as possible the geographic and demographic divides that this referendum revealed, and hoping that the British “Apparat”, the civil servants, regulators, negotiators and the like, are as good as they might reasonably be expected to be when entering discussions with their European, American, Chinese counterparts…

    … or am I selling myself yet another dream?

    → 11:00 PM, Jun 26
  • The Pleasure of Concentration

     
    I finally - probably not for the last time - started reading Thinking the Twentieth Century by Tony Judt with Timothy Snyder. That may sound suspicious: admitting two authors is generally a bad sign for a book, but here it was a necessary conceit. Tony Judt was an eminent moral historian who was struck down with ALS (the illness made famous / trivialised by 2014’s ice bucket challenge fad): Snyder is an American historian of Eastern Europe who faded in and out of Judt’s comet trail over the years and who decided that Judt’s own history, views and development over the decades needed to be captured before the inevitable, swift, end.
     
    So this is a “spoken book”, a conversation between two colleagues speaking and discussing at eye level, rather than an interview between a professional journalist and a professional of something else entirely. Judt and Snyder by necessity follow in the Eastern European tradition of such transcribed conversations. I’m looking forward to discovering the thoughts and philosophies that they discuss, and to daring to measure their theories and histories against my own reality and recollections: in short, I’m looking forward to the challenge of reading it.
      
    As I say, I’ve only started. In fact, I have just finished the introduction - where a single sentence made me sit up straight and realise what I’ve been trying and dismally failing to achieve lately, especially at work. It is a single sentence that could become my standard for the next few years; a sentence that got me blogging again. It comes from Timothy Snyder as he describes how the conversations with Tony Judt came to be and how, in essence, they were. This is it:
     
    ...the conversation was also a great source of intellectual sustenance, bringing the pleasure of concentration, the harmony of communication and the gratification of good work achieved.
     
    Those three points that combined give intellectual sustenance seem so obvious now that they have been written: perhaps they come more clearly from acknowledging something that went right - indeed, I couldn’t crystallise my dissatisfaction - at work, especially - into the negatives of those points. So let’s stick to the positives, and see if we can also achieve…  
    • the pleasure of concentration
    • the harmony of communication
    • the gratification of good work achieved
     …in all of our endeavours.
    → 11:35 PM, Jan 11
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